A Literature Review

Scope of the Research

In this research, we use the term ethno-racial minority (ERM) youth to acknowledge the complex socio-cultural dimensions of ethnicity and race faced by ethno-racial minority youth other than Aboriginal groups in Canada. As our focus is on understanding the experiences ethno-racial minority youth within ethnic groups in relation to the changes faced within intercultural contexts, we focus on first and second-generation immigrant youth. These two groups are more likely to have to deal with intercultural conflicts as they are regularly exposed to the contrasting realities of the outside and home worlds.

The term ethnicity refers to culture as a determinant factor in differences between people (Harrison 1995). However, as the sole reference to ethnicity, this term may overlook the impact of race in the experience of many people. As race describes how an individual has been socialized based on how others perceive him or her and how he or she perceives him or herself (Helms and Talleyrand 1997), we consider the use of ethno-racial minority as more accurate within the context of this research. A few Canadian studies have dealt with the racialisation of youth as an externally imposed categorization and the impact of this categorization on youth identity formation (Shahsiah 2006). To learn about youth ethno-racialized experiences, our research encompasses the experiences of African Continental, Latin American, Caribbean and the diverse Middle-Eastern and Asian youth.

Youth as a stage in people’s lives towards adulthood is at times taken for granted. Adolescence and youth appear simply to refer to an objective, universal, and immutable status. However, this stage is determined by cultural assumptions and legal strictures rooted in late nineteenth-century Euro-American preoccupations with social order, virility, national expansion and colonialism (Lesko in Schellenberg, Ormond and Linneback 2001).

The literature on immigrant or ethno-racial minority youth hardly discusses the age parameters utilized to define this group. However, literature on youth can be informative about differences in estimation of the most appropriate age range. It appears that when looking at adolescence, some researchers follow the “age of minority/majority” as dictated by the laws of the country. A more general definition of youth follows the age categories found in national statistical reports (e.g., 15 to 24 years of age) or draws from definitions developed by international agencies such as the World Health Organization (WHO) that defines “young people” as those within the ages of 10 to 24, or the United Nations, which defines youth as those within the ages of 15 to 24. In some cases, the age range is wider to reach the age of 29. These differences indicate that youth is an age-related process, where youth is constructed through social processes. Definitions of youth, including the nuances of the term “youth” often vary across countries and cultures, depending on specific socio-cultural economic, historic and political factors.

For the purpose of this study, we had originally adapted the official Census definition of youth; persons aged 15 to 24. However, during the study and through our discussions with our youth research team, it was necessary to expand this definition to include youth in their late 20s. Members of the youth research team argued that although ethno-racial minority youth experience important events in determining their identity during the ages of 15-24; for some, the determining issues of identity formation related to their sexuality may play a more determining role in their later 20s. The youth team referred to the fact that parental expectations during adolescence early 20s, such as school performance, may delay the youth having to deal with some other issues, such as dating. These “social circumstances” can therefore define the category of youth more meaningfully than chronological age (Bucholtz 2002:526).

A literature review reveals that one of the major limitations of the current research in Canada is the under-representation of ethno-racial minority youth in research (Desai and Subramanian 2003). This is a matter of concern if we consider that ERM youth make up a significant portion of the Canadian population in major cities. Further, many reports would speak about these populations in an indirect manner. For instance, Desai and Subramanian (2003) indicate that, while Canadian governments do report on youth issues, needs and new policy and programming initiatives, ethno-racial minority youth are represented using only demographic information. They note that “while these reports are necessary to help set policy and programming to meet the needs of youth, they are superficial in terms of dealing with the specific challenges and concerns of ethno-racial youth” (2003:123). They do not provide qualitative information on the lived realities of ERM youth, and some of their unique challenges and needs. Some aspects of ERM youth’s lived realities are discussed in the following section.

Identity Formation among Ethno-Racial Minority Youth

Intergenerational conflict has been described as one potential outcome associated with the stresses of integrating to a new society among immigrant and refugee families (Goodenow and Espin 1993, Khanlou et al. 2002, Berry et al. 2006, Seat 2003). Youth, mainly those from first and second generation migrants, face the dilemmas of having to deal with the values and cultural traditions learned from their parents and other community adults while at the same time having to deal with the values and social norms from the Canadian society. This process may lead to family conflicts, in particular if parents’ expected cultural practices are questioned and even rejected.

As Das Dasgupta notes, “(a) significant aspect of the process of ethnic identity consolidation is the desire to perpetuate it by socializing the next generation to accept some key practices and rituals of the native culture” (1998:958). However, the expected social roles of ERM youth within their families may conflict with the expected social roles within mainstream Canadian society. Youth living this “bicultural experience” (Tang and Dion 1999:20) may feel that they cannot reconcile their different social roles. If they maintain their parents’ cultural heritage, language and practices, their adaptation in Canadian society may be more difficult. However, if they do not maintain links to their parents’ cultural heritage, they may feel disconnected from their families (Tang and Dion 1999). Tensions between parental beliefs and practices and those of Canadian society can lead some ERM youth to feel as though they do not belong in either cultural system; which leads to feelings of alienation, stress and unhappiness (Wolf 1997).

Intergenerational conflict regarding social roles and expectations can be more intense depending on the gender of the youth. Female children are more often expected to adhere to parents’ cultural heritage values and gender roles (Dion and Dion 2004, Das Dasgupta 1998). Dion and Dion (2004) found that this led young women to reflect on their parents’ ethnocultural background and to use “traditional” cultural practices and values in the formation of their identities to a greater extent than young men. This creates increased pressure on young women to follow traditional roles, and this stress may lead some females to resent their cultural heritage (Sodhi Kalsi 2003).

Problems related to sexuality and identity formation for ethno-racial minority youth can be especially complicated (Goodenow and Espin 1993). In fact, sexuality, a central aspect in identity formation, is an issue that may reveal high potential for intergenerational conflict (DeSantis et al. 1999, Migliardi 2001). Parents may believe that providing sexuality education or discussing sexuality may lead their children to be sexually promiscuous (Orgocka 2004). Conflicts around sexuality can result in lost ability on the part of the parents to exercise authority over their children.

Dating is one the issues more widely recognized as creating cross-generational conflict. The idea and practices around dating may differ between parents’ original cultural norms and practices and those from Canadian or North American society (Khanlou, et. al 2002, Ruiz 1992, SERC 1998). Dating norms are differentially applied to young females and males within families from different ethnocultural minority backgrounds, and female youth tend to face stricter dating regulations than their male counterparts (Espin 1997, Khanlou, et. al. 2002, Murphy Kilbride et al. N/D, Sodhi Kalsi 2003). Research on South Asian youth in Canada reveal that parents often resist allowing their children, particularly their daughters, to date outside their ethnic group, leading to intergenerational crisis (Kurian 1986, Das Dasgupta 1998). This research demonstrates that gender is a critical factor in the analysis of intergenerational relationships and conflict for ethno-racial minority youth.

Ethnicity, race, and gender, including sexuality, seem to play important roles among youth growing up in a culturally diverse society like Canada. It is only very recently that youth from diverse ethnic minority backgrounds have become a central focus of the research in Canada (Murphy Kilbride et al. N/D). Further, the specific problematic of sexuality/gender, ethnicity and race have been scarcely explored among this population. Also, organizations that are trying to reach out to youth are in dire need of relevant and current information about ethno-racial minority youth to better respond to their needs (Murphy Kilbride et al. N/D, Chekki 2006).

Ethno-racial Minority Youth in Canada: A Snapshot

A picture of ethno-racial minority youth in Canada, and more specifically in Manitoba, can be drawn from the official 2001 Census. This picture can be constructed through a review of data that presents youth ethnic identification, migratory and visible minority status.

In Canada, racial or visible minorities have grown from representing less than 1 percent of the population in 1971 to 13.4 in 2001. The largest groups are Chinese (3.4 percent), South Asians (3.1 percent) and Blacks (2.2 percent). Most racial minorities in Canada are immigrants, but a born-in-Canada generation is emerging: by 2001, it constituted 29.4 percent of the racial minority population (Canadian Centre for Social Development 2006).

In 2001, a little more than two-thirds of the visible minority population had been born outside Canada. There were over 1.5 million youth under the age of 25 that fall in the category of visible minority. Almost 16 percent of the approximately 4 million Canadian youth 15-24 years of age, identified themselves as visible minorities (excluding those of Aboriginal descent). The three largest groups of visible minority youth are South Asian, Chinese, and Black, accounting for about 64 percent of the total young, visible minority population (Canadian Centre for Social Development 2006).

Children and youth in Canada are more diverse ethnically than their adult cohorts. English, French and Canadian ethnic origins constitute less than 50 percent of all children and youth cohorts.

Age group Percent of age group that identify with origins OTHER than British, French, Canadian or Aboriginal
Children 0-5 49 percent
Children 6-11 46 percent
Children 12-18 46 percent
Youth 19-24 38 percent
(Statistics Canada 2003)

According to the 2001 Census, in Manitoba, 52 percent of children and youth under 25 years of age identify themselves or are identified as of other origins than British, French, Canadian or Aboriginal. One in ten children in Manitoba is a visible minority, with more than 90 percent of visible minority children living in Winnipeg (Social Planning Council of Winnipeg 2004).

A recent Statistics Canada study has projected that by 2017, racial minorities will make up 20 percent of the Canadian population. In 2017, according to the reference scenario, this proportion would remain about the same, with 4.8 million of 7.1 million visible minority persons being immigrants. However, the number of visible minority persons born in Canada could almost double between 2001 and 2017, to reach 2.3 million people (Statistics Canada 2005).

As the children of relatively recent immigrants, most of these Canadian-born members of racial minorities are young: 63.3 percent are under 16; only 16.2 percent are over 25. Still, because they constitute an emerging young adult population with a perspective that differs from that of immigrants, the second generation is critical to an assessment of the long-term impact of immigration (Boyd 2000; Reitz and Somerville 2004).

Immigrant Youth

Over a third of immigrants entering Canada for the period 1995-2004 are children and youth under the age of 25. Among these, over 50 percent came from Asia and the Pacific regions, with 20 percent coming from Africa and the Middle East and the remaining average 10 percent being from South and Central America. In Manitoba, about 20 percent of newcomers were under the age of 25 in 2004, with an even gender split (Citizenship and Immigration Canada, 2004).

We also need to acknowledge that the largest group of immigrants arrives into Canada during their reproductive years. This indicates the likelihood that the number of ethno-racial minority children and youth would increase over time.
In 2001, more than 316,000 (5.5 percent) Canadian children under age 15 were immigrants, up from 5 percent in 1996. For youth aged 15-24, over 470,000 (11.8 percent) were immigrants, up from 11.4 percent in 1996 (Canadian Council on Social Development 2006).
Among immigrants who arrived in Canada in 2004, “37 percent were under age 25. Of these 87,000 young newcomers, 51,000 were under age 15 and 36,000 were aged 15 to 24. The number of young immigrants was 9 percent higher than the previous year, but almost identical to the number who arrived in 1994. Fluctuations over the decade ranged from a low of 67,000 in 1998, to a high of 92,000 in 2001” (Canadian Council on Social Development 2006).
Today, it is estimated that 20 percent of Canada’s young people under age 18 are immigrants or children of immigrants; by 2016 they will constitute 25 percent of Canada’s children.